No Way, Sangay——没门，森格

Source: Economist.com http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2011/05/china_and_tibet
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China and Tibet

中国和西藏

No way, Sangay

没门，森格

AS CHINA gears up to celebrate the 60th anniversary of its annexation of Tibet, it has issued a stinging rebuff to the newly elected prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, Lobsang Sangay. The winner of an election among Tibetans outside China, Mr Sangay will have a higher profile than his predecessors. The Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual leader, has said he will withdraw from his political role, giving the elected leader greater prominence and responsibility.
在中国准备庆祝其统一西藏60周年之际，它给了西藏流亡政府新当选的总理洛桑森格一个刻薄的回绝。作为中国境外进行的藏人选举的获胜者，森格先生将比其前任者有更高的姿态。西藏的精神领袖达赖喇嘛已表示，他将退出其政治角色，给予政委当选的领导者更多的突显以及责任。
So Mr Sangay, a 43-year-old fellow at Harvard Law School, has been visiting his electorate, most of whom are in India, and discussing his plans. He offered to negotiate with China “any time, anywhere”. China’s response came in the form of an interview in the official magazine “China’s Tibet” with Zhu Weiqun, a senior official in the Communist Party’s “United Front” department, and a frequent spokesman on Tibet. 
森格先生， 43岁，一个曾就读哈佛法学院的学生，访问过他大多都在印度的选民，讨论他的计划。他表示会与中国“在任何时间，任何地点”进行商讨。而中国的反应则是在官方杂志《中国西藏》中发表了一篇对朱维群的访问。朱维群是中共统一战线部门中的高级官员，也经常是在西藏问题上的发言人。
Mr Zhu’s contempt almost splutters off the page, as he rants about “that government-in-exile of his”:  “it’s all just a separatist political clique that betrays the motherland, with no legitimacy at all and absolutely no status to engage in dialogue with the representatives of the central government.”
朱先生的藐视覆盖了一整页。他对“其流亡政府”进行叱责：“这只不过是一个背叛祖国的分裂主义政治团体，它不具有合法性且完全没有资格与中央政府的代表进行谈判。”
So that’s clear then. It would appear that the Dalai Lama’s decision to democratise his government-in-exile has made reconciliation with China even less likely. At least, under the previous dispensation, a series of fruitless talks between China and Tibetan exiles has lurched ahead every few months since 2002, usually breaking down in acrimony. Even that now seems too much to hope for.
因此很明确，达赖喇嘛将其流亡政府民主化的决定，使得与中国和解的可能性更小。至少在之前的体制中，自2002年起，中国跟西藏之间每隔几个月都会进行一次没有成果的会谈，而会谈的结果往往是恶言相向。而现在，就连这种会谈都看似是一种奢望。
But Robert Barnett, a Tibet expert at Columbia University in New York, points out that there is nothing new in China’s rejection of Mr Sangay’s overture. It has never had any truck whatsoever with the government-in-exile. The Tibetan side in the talks has always been filled by the Dalai Lama’s representatives. There is no reason that should not continue. Indeed, the Tibetan exile parliament, discussing a new constitution, last month approved a draft which asks the Dalai Lama and his successors, despite his retirement, to “speak on behalf of the Tibetan people, to explain and discuss their concerns and needs as well as to appoint representatives and envoys to serve the interests of the Tibetan people in any part of the world.”
然而，位于纽约的哥伦比亚大学西藏专家Robert Barnett指出，中国拒绝森格先生的建议并没有什么新的原因。它从未与流亡政府有过任何的交流。会谈中，西藏方面总是由达赖喇嘛的代表组成。因此没有理由认为这种情况不会继续。其实，正在讨论新宪法的西藏流亡议会，上月批准了一份草案，其中要求达赖喇嘛及其继承人，即使退位，依然要“代表藏民发言，解释并讨论他们所关注的事以及所需 ，并出于服务全球任何地区的藏民的利益的目的，指派代表与信使。”
By distancing himself from the exile government, the Dalai Lama has in effect met a Chinese demand. China could, if it chose, regard it as a concession. It could also look that way on the Dalai Lama’s resignation statement in March, in which he said that two pro-independence “political promulgations” he had made in the past would become “ineffective”. The Dalai Lama has long given up the demand for independence in favour of enhanced autonomy under Chinese sovereignty. China has always presented this as a tactical ruse.
通过让他自己远离流亡政府的方式，达赖喇嘛实际上确实满足了中国的需要。如果中国愿意选择的话，它可将之视为一种让步。中国亦可用同样的方式解读达赖喇嘛三月份的卸任声明，其中他提到他过去颁布的两个支持独立的政策，将会“失效”。达赖喇嘛早已放弃对独立的诉求，转而希望在中国的统治下获得更大的自治空间。中国一直将此视为策略上的诡计。
China seems to hope that with the passing of this Dalai Lama, Tibetans, deprived of an internationally revered figurehead, will give up the struggle. So it may have been alarmed by the Dalai Lama’s remark at a press conference in New Jersey, America, this month, that Tibetans are close to “finalising” the process for finding his successor—his reincarnation as the 15th Dalai Lama. He said that all the schools of Tibetan Buddhism are involved in this. He seems in good health, but is now 75.
中国似乎希望在该任达赖喇嘛去世后，藏民们在失去了其在国际间受到尊重的领导者以后，会放弃抗争。中国可能因达赖喇嘛于美国新泽西州的记者招待会上的说辞而警觉；达赖喇嘛表示藏人即将完成对其继承人的寻找——他作为第十五世达赖喇嘛的转世。他说所有藏传佛教的学派皆参与其中。他看似健康状况良好，但他已经75岁。
This unity among the various schools would be unprecedented—and  important, since it seems quite likely that the next incarnation of the Dalai Lama will be contested, with one candidate backed by China and one, probably in exile, revered by most Tibetans. 
这种各个学派之间的团结，可谓前所未有——且重要，因为下一任达赖喇嘛的转世很有可能会出现竞争；其中一方是中国支持的候选人，而另一方，有可能也处于流亡当中，则是受到大多数藏人的敬仰。
The Dalai Lama appears to retain the loyalty of most Tibetans inside China, too. The focus of Tibetan resistance since March has been around the Kirti monastery in an area of Sichuan province that Tibetans regard as Amdo, part of historic Tibet. Protests that started with the self-immolation of a young monk have seen hundreds of monks detained, two elderly laypeople trying to protect them killed, a continuing heavy security presence in the area, and the burning of books not approved by the authorities.
同样，达赖喇嘛似乎享有那些身在中国境内的大多数藏民的忠心。自三月起的藏民的反抗活动的中心，是在格德寺；它位处四川省某地，该地被藏民们视为历史上属于西藏的“安多”。由于一个年轻僧侣自焚所导致的示威活动，导致了上百名僧侣遭到拘禁，两名尝试保护他们的年老的信徒死亡。高度安全措施依然在该地区内施行，当局禁止的书籍也遭到焚毁。
So, as it celebrates, on May 23rd, the 60th anniversary of the “17-point agreement” in which a young Dalai Lama agreed to accept Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, China can be confident that there is no immediate threat to its rule. But it knows that many Tibetans still resent its rule. 
因此，当中国庆祝“十七点协议”达成60周年，它可以明确的看出其统治没有面临任何直接的威胁；在“十七点协议中”年轻的达赖喇嘛同意接受中国对西藏的统治。然而，中国同样明白，许多藏人憎恶其统治。
It is, for China, in some ways a peculiar document to commemorate. In it, China promised not to alter “the existing political system in Tibet”, a promise swept aside in 1959 as China crushed a Tibetan rebellion and the Dalai Lama and 80,000 followers fled into exile. In 1951, the political system was a feudal theocracy. Now that exiles enjoy the forms of parliamentary democracy, they find China no more trustworthy. China’s leaders, for their part, find their political system no more appealing.
对于中国而言，它是在纪念一个特别的文件。此文件中，中国承诺不会改变“西藏现有的政治系统”。而这一承诺在1959年被打破，当时中国镇压一场藏民的起义，达赖喇嘛及其80000名追随者开始流亡。1951年，当时的政治系统是一个封建神权制。而如今的流亡政府享有着议会民主制，他们发现中国不再值得信任。对于中国的领导者而言，他们发现他们的政治系统不再那么吸引人。